Wednesday, January 20, 2021

asmPolitics-488

 https://theconversation.com/a-history-of-contested-presidential-elections-from-samuel-tilden-to-al-gore-149414

A history of contested presidential elections, from Samuel Tilden to Al Gore

 

As states continue to count their ballots in the 2020 election, it seems possible that Democrats and Republicans will end up in court over whether President Trump will win a second term in the White House.

President Trump has said he’s going to contest the election results – going so far as to say that he believes the election will ultimately be decided by the Supreme Court. Meanwhile, Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden has a team of lawyers lined up for a legal battle.

Unprecedented changes in voting procedures due to the coronavirus pandemic have created openings for candidates to cry foul. Republicans argued earlier this year that extending deadlines to receive and count ballots will lead to confusion and fraud, while Democrats believe Republicans are actively working to disenfranchise voters.

Should either Trump or Biden refuse to concede, it wouldn’t be the first time turmoil and claims of fraud dominated the days and weeks after the elections.

The elections of 1876, 1888, 1960 and 2000 were among the most contentious in American history. In each case, the losing candidate and party dealt with the disputed results differently.

1876: A compromise that came at a price

By 1876 – 11 years after the end of the Civil War – all the Confederate states had been readmitted to the Union, and Reconstruction was in full swing. The Republicans were strongest in the pro-Union areas of the North and African-American regions of the South, while Democratic support coalesced around southern whites and northern areas that had been less supportive of the Civil War. That year, Republicans nominated Ohio Gov. Rutherford B. Hayes, and Democrats chose New York Gov. Samuel Tilden.

But on Election Day, there was widespread voter intimidation against African-American Republican voters throughout the South. Three of those Southern states – Florida, Louisiana and South Carolina – had Republican-dominated election boards. In those three states, some initial results seemed to indicate Tilden victories. But due to widespread allegations of intimidation and fraud, the election boards invalidated enough votes to give the states – and their electoral votes – to Hayes. With the electoral votes from all three states, Hayes would win a 185-184 majority in the Electoral College.

Competing sets of election returns and electoral votes were sent to Congress to be counted in January 1877, so Congress voted to create a bipartisan commission of 15 members of Congress and Supreme Court justices to determine how to allocate the electors from the three disputed states. Seven commissioners were to be Republican, seven were to be Democrats, and there would be one independent, Justice David Davis of Illinois.

But in a political scheme that backfired, Davis was chosen by Democrats in the Illinois state legislature to serve in the U.S. Senate. (Senators weren’t chosen by voters until 1913.) They’d hoped to win his support on the electoral commission. Instead, Davis resigned from the commission and was replaced by Republican Justice Joseph Bradley, who proceeded to join an 8-7 Republican majority that awarded all the disputed electoral votes to Hayes.

Democrats decided not to argue with that final result due to the “Compromise of 1877,” in which Republicans, in return for getting Hayes in the White House, agreed to an end to Reconstruction and military occupation of the South.

Hayes had an ineffective, one-term presidency, while the compromise ended up destroying any semblance of African-American political clout in the South. For the next century, southern legislatures, free from northern supervision, would implement laws discriminating against blacks and restricting their ability to vote.

1888: Bribing blocks of five

In 1888, Democratic President Grover Cleveland of New York ran for reelection against former Indiana U.S. Sen. Benjamin Harrison.

Back then, election ballots in most states were printed, distributed by political parties and cast publicly. Certain voters, known as “floaters,” were known to sell their votes to willing buyers.

Harrison had appointed an Indiana lawyer, William Wade Dudley, as treasurer of the Republican National Committee. Shortly before the election, Dudley sent a letter to Republican local leaders in Indiana with promised funds and instructions for how to divide receptive voters into “blocks of five” to receive bribes in exchange for voting the Republican ticket. The instructions outlined how each Republican activist would be responsible for five of these “floaters.”

Democrats got a copy of the letter and publicized it widely in the days leading up to the election. Harrison ended up winning Indiana by only about 2,000 votes but still would have won in the Electoral College without the state.

Cleveland actually won the national popular vote by almost 100,000 votes. But he lost his home state, New York, by about 1 percent of the vote, putting Harrison over the top in the Electoral College. Cleveland’s loss in New York may have also been related to vote-buying schemes.

Cleveland did not contest the Electoral College outcome and won a rematch against Harrison four years later, becoming the only president to serve nonconsecutive terms of office. Meanwhile, the blocks-of-five scandal led to the nationwide adoption of secret ballots for voting.

1960: Did the Daley machine deliver?

The 1960 election pitted Republican Vice President Richard Nixon against Democratic U.S. Sen. John F. Kennedy.

The popular vote was the closest of the 20th century, with Kennedy defeating Nixon by only about 100,000 votes – a less than 0.2 percent difference.

Because of that national spread – and because Kennedy officially defeated Nixon by less than 1 percent in five states (Hawaii, Illinois, Missouri, New Jersey, New Mexico) and less than 2 percent in Texas – many Republicans cried foul. They fixated on two places in particular – southern Texas and Chicago, where a political machine led by Mayor Richard Daley allegedly churned out just enough votes to give Kennedy the state of Illinois. If Nixon had won Texas and Illinois, he would have had an Electoral College majority.

While Republican-leaning newspapers proceeded to investigate and conclude that voter fraud had occurred in both states, Nixon did not contest the results. Following the example of Cleveland in 1892, Nixon ran for president again in 1968 and won.

2000: The hanging chads

In 2000, many states were still using the punch card ballot, a voting system created in the 1960s. Even though these ballots had a long history of machine malfunctions and missed votes, no one seemed to know or care – until all Americans suddenly realized that the outdated technology had created a problem in Florida.

Then, on Election Day, the national media discovered that a “butterfly ballot,” a punch card ballot with a design that violated Florida state law, had confused thousands of voters in Palm Beach County.

Many who had thought they were voting for Gore unknowingly voted for another candidate or voted for two candidates. (For example, Reform Party candidate Pat Buchanan received about 3,000 votes from voters who had probably intended to vote for Gore.) Gore ended up losing the state to Bush by 537 votes – and, in losing Florida, lost the election.

But ultimately, the month-long process to determine the winner of the presidential election came down to an issue of “hanging chads.”

Over 60,000 ballots in Florida, most of them on punch cards, had registered no vote for president on the punch card readers. But on many of the punch cards, the little pieces of paper that get punched out when someone votes – known as chads – were still hanging by one, two or three corners and had gone uncounted. Gore went to court to have those ballots counted by hand to try to determine voter intent, as allowed by state law. Bush fought Gore’s request in court. While Gore won in the Florida State Supreme Court, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled at 10 p.m. on Dec. 12 that Congress had set a deadline of that date for states to choose electors, so there was no more time to count votes.

Gore conceded the next day.

The national drama and trauma that followed Election Day in 1876 and 2000 could be repeated this year. Of course, a lot will depend on the margins and how the candidates react.

Most eyes will be on Trump, who hasn’t said whether or not he’ll accept the result if he loses. On election night, he announced he had won before all the votes had been counted in a number of battleground states.

This is an updated version of an article originally published on Nov. 1, 2016.

asmPolitics-487

 https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/international/world-news/bush-versus-gore-in-2000-the-five-weeks-of-high-drama-that-give-president-trump-precedent/articleshow/79053842.cms?from=mdr

PARIS: Donald Trump said Wednesday he will go to the Supreme Court to dispute the US election count.

If he does, it could turn out to be only the second time in history that the court has decided the winner. In 2000, George W. Bush only beat Democrat Al Gore after five weeks of legal battles over recounts and "hanging chad" votes.

All eyes on Florida
On election day, Nov 7, 2000, polls have Republican candidate Bush, governor of Texas, leading Democratic vice president Gore by a whisker.

As the night develops, tensions rise as several states report very tight results.

Television networks declare Gore the winner in Florida only to backtrack soon after, judging it too close to call.

A few hours later they call Florida again, giving the victory to Bush, which means he wins the presidency.

Gore calls Bush to concede.

But then the networks backtrack a second time, and Gore calls Bush again to withdraw his concession.

The Florida results are in limbo. The two candidates are separated by less than 0.5 percent of votes, forcing a machine recount of all the punch-card ballots.

Several irregularities are exposed in the state, which is governed by Bush's brother Jeb.

Hanging chads
On Nov 9, Gore calls for a manual recount in four strongly Democratic counties, including Palm Beach. Bush appeals, but it is dismissed by a federal judge.

The legal battle begins in earnest. Lawyers arrive en masse in Florida.

In the spotlight: the punch machines used in Palm Beach County to perforate the ballot paper. They show a rate of error too high for such a close vote.

Counting machines rejected thousands of ballots often due to machine malfunction or because voters failed to fully puncture the mark next to their chosen candidate, leaving only a "pregnant chad", or partially perforated it, leaving a "hanging chad".

Bush's advisers slam irregularities in the counting, claiming the Democrats are trying to invalidate 25,000 postal votes from two Republican counties over a technicality.

On Nov 26, Florida declares Bush the winner, with 537 more votes. Gore contests the result, arguing thousands of votes have not been counted.

On Dec 8, Florida's Supreme Court agrees with Gore and orders a manual recount of 45,000 ballots that were rejected by the machines.

Supreme Court decides
On Dec 12, the US Supreme Court steps in for the first time ever in a presidential election.

In a landmark judgement it rejects Florida's recount and in doing so effectively shuts the door on Gore's quest for the presidency.

"Although we may never know with complete certainty the identity of the winner... the identity of the loser is perfectly clear," writes Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens in a dissenting opinion.

"It is the nation's confidence in the judge as an impartial guardian of the rule of law."

On Dec 18, Bush is elected the 43rd US president by the electoral college, with 271 of the 270 required votes, although Gore won the popular vote.

Civil rights leader Jesse Jackson says the election was "stolen".












asmPolitics-486

 https://www.baltimoresun.com/bal-00election27-story.html

Judge rejects Gore challenge to Florida vote certification

A state judge flatly rejected yesterday Al Gore's challenge of Florida election results, a ruling that reduces considerably the vice president's chance of proving that he and not George W. Bush won the presidency.

The ruling by Leon County Circuit Judge N. Sanders Sauls means that about 14,000 contested ballots won't be manually recounted, the only shot the vice president had of overcoming the Texas governor's 537-vote victory margin before states choose their electors Dec. 12.

Sauls, who issued his order from the bench shortly after 4:30 p.m., ruled that Gore failed to prove his key claim -- that legal votes had been excluded from the Nov. 26 certified vote count. He said three local canvassing boards at the heart of the controversy acted properly in decisions they made regarding hand recounts.

"The court finds the plaintiffs have failed to carry the requisite burden of proof," the judge concluded.

Sauls also ruled that a contest in a presidential election must be mounted statewide, and not in selective counties as filed by the Gore legal team.

The judge's decision was hailed as a victory for the Texas governor and a vindication of Florida Secretary of State Katherine Harris' decision to exclude hand recounts that were conducted beyond Nov. 17, a decision that cost Gore precious votes from three largely Democratic counties in South Florida.

"The fact is Governor Bush and Secretary Cheney have won Florida," said Ben Ginsburg, a Bush campaign lawyer speaking for the Republicans' legal team.

In Texas, Bush spokesman Karen Hughes echoed the sentiments of the Bush lawyers, who hailed from Tallahassee, Chicago and Denver.

"Governor Bush was very pleased with the Florida court's thoughtful and comprehensive decision," she said, adding that she believed Americans would "be comforted" by the ruling.

"They won. We lost. We're appealing," said David Boies, Gore's lead lawyer. "This is going to be resolved by the Florida Supreme Court promptly, and what I think is that that will be the end of the matter."

The appeal was lodged, Boies said, "so we can resolve once and for all what the right is of citizens to have their votes counted."

Both sides in this historic election contest said they would do just that if they lost before Sauls. Boies, the New York lawyer who led the government's legal case against Microsoft Corp., said the judge never considered the Gore team's best evidence -- the ballots.

The fact that a judicial count never took place of the disputed ballots was "an error," said Boies. "You can't resolve that contest without looking at the ballots."

About 1.1 million ballots from Palm Beach and Miami-Dade counties were shipped to Tallahassee at the judge's order. They will remain under lock and key at the Leon County Courthouse, Sauls ordered, until the appeals are heard.

Gore's uphill battle to get those votes hand counted is even steeper now. He must prove he's the winner before Dec. 12, when Florida chooses its 25 electors. But Boies argued that there was still time to count the ballots "once a court rules that it must be done."

That court will have to be the Florida Supreme Court.

"This will be the end of the battle. ... Whoever wins the Florida Supreme Court will accept that," Boies told a crowd of reporters and television cameras minutes after the judge ruled from his maroon leather swivel chair in a third-floor courtroom.

Several hours before Sauls read his decision, the U.S. Supreme Court asked the Florida justices to rework the legal basis of their Nov. 21 ruling that extended the period for Florida counties to manually recount election returns, which had boosted Gore's efforts to get every vote counted.

The court set a Nov. 26 deadline of 5 p.m., which stretched over Thanksgiving weekend. The vice president still couldn't marshal the votes needed to overcome Bush's margin, which has varied from about 930 -- the figure after overseas ballots were counted -- to 300, the number Harris certified Nov. 15.

Palm Beach County, where confusion over the so-called butterfly ballot started the election challenges, raced to finish a manual recount of its ballots but missed the deadline by 127 minutes. Miami-Dade County started, then stopped, a hand recount, claiming it couldn't get the work done by the strict deadline set by the state Supreme Court.

When the final state certification was made, Gore trailed Bush by 537 votes out of nearly 6 million ballots counted. Convinced that he had really won Florida, Gore set out to get every ballot that was cast counted. His legal team mounted a contest of the vote count. It alleged that Harris, the elections chief, had excluded legal votes in the state total and included illegal ones.

The Gore camp challenged the strict standard used by Palm Beach's canvassing board in hand-counting ballots. The board decided not to count ballots that included dimpled or indented chads -- tiny bits of paper that fail to dislodge from a ballot when a voter tried to mark his choice with a stylus.

Gore also contested the Miami-Dade canvassing board's decision not to conduct a manual recount after it found that 10,750 ballots recorded no presidential vote when run through election machines.

Lastly, it challenged a decision by the Nassau County elections board to substitute election night returns for a state-mandated manual recount, which gave Gore more votes. The board made the switch after it realized that it had forgotten to run about 216 ballots through the machine recount.

Sauls, a folksy 17-year veteran of the court, refused to consider a judicial count of the ballots until he had an evidentiary hearing on the matter. Lawyers for the two candidates presented their evidence in a two-day hearing that concluded Sunday night.

Gore's legal team put on only two witnesses -- an elections consultant and a statistician. It insisted that the ballots were the vice president's best evidence. However, the judge never examined them.

The Bush legal team, armed with laptops and laser projections, called its own statistician and election machine consultant. They called several other witnesses, including Republican operatives and voters who objected to a recount.

Their elections consultant, John Ahmann, provided the most exciting twist in the hearing when he offered testimony that helped the Gore cause. Ahmann, who designed the punch-card voting devices and later opened a company that sold them, conceded that the best way to decide a close election is through a manual count.

But Ahmann's testimony did not sway Sauls.

asmPolitics-485

 https://www.newsobserver.com/opinion/article246920577.html

When the 2000 election result was disputed, Al Gore put his country before himself

 
UPDATED NOVEMBER 03, 2020 11:41 AM

Twenty years ago, the United States Supreme Court decided Bush v. Gore, ending the Florida recount and handing the presidency to George W. Bush. Conservative justices, creating a new interpretation of the Equal Protection Clause, held the recount unconstitutional because it allowed for disparities among counties as to how voter intent could be inferred from disputed ballots.

It was a questionable decision. Voting practices in the United States are decentralized and counties differ widely in how they interpret voter intent. The court’s decision, if taken seriously, would redo much of our electoral system. Tellingly, the conservative justices would not go that far, ruling that their new equal protection approach was “limited to the present circumstances.”

The real story of Bush v. Gore, however, lies less in its legal particulars than in how it avoided a constitutional crisis. The lesson is worth remembering.

Excluding Florida, Gore had won the electoral vote by 267 to 246 and the popular vote by over 500,000. In Florida, initial returns placed Bush ahead of Gore by 1,784 votes out of 6,000,000. A recount was clearly in the making.

That recount, however, was destined for partisan stalemate. The Florida Supreme Court, which authorized the recount, was controlled by Democrats. The Florida Legislature, empowered to submit its own delegate slate, was controlled by Republicans. Florida was set to submit two competing slates of electors.

In such circumstances, the Constitution gives Congress the power to choose between competing slates; but again, stalemate was inevitable. The Republicans controlled the House. The Democrats controlled the Senate but only because the vice-president had the power to cast the tie-breaking vote. That vice-president was Al Gore.

The next step was also infused with partisan taint. The federal Electoral Count Act authorizes a state’s governor to certify the state’s electors if Congress is deadlocked. That governor was Jeb Bush, George W. Bush’s brother.

More importantly, any action by Jeb Bush would also be challenged, leading to another round of judicial decisions. Meanwhile, the hyper-partisan warfare already overtaking the nation would become far worse.

Enter the Supreme Court. It was the only institution that could end the agony and bestow legitimacy on the final result. It had to act. To be sure, it could have ruled differently and upheld the recount; but it could not let the process extend endlessly. And so the presidency was decided.

There is a hero in this story: Al Gore. Gore had ample reason to reject the Supreme Court’s decision and fight on. He had won the popular vote. He had won an electoral vote majority outside of Florida. He could claim that more Floridians intended to vote for him but his winning margin was lost because Palm Beach County’s confusing, butterfly ballot led hundreds of his supporters to mistakenly mark their ballots for third party candidate Pat Buchanan. He could have attacked the Supreme Court decision as illegitimately motivated by partisan politics.

He did none of the above. Instead, he conceded and urged his supporters to unite behind President Bush: “[O]ur disappointment must be overcome by our love of country. . . . This is America. Just as we fight hard when the stakes are high, we close ranks and come together when the contest is done.”

Al Gore understood that his duty to his country was greater than his duty to himself. Today, in contrast, the president urges his supporters to reject adverse results. We have throughout our history been blessed with many leaders who understood the sacred obligations of the highest office. Tragically, we have no such blessing now.

William Marshall is a law professor at the University of North Carolina School of Law.

asmPolitics-484

 https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/story?id=122420&page=1

Gore to Contest Election Results

Nov. 24, 2000 -- Lawyers for Democrat Al Gore said Thursday the vice president will contest the close presidential election results in at least one Florida county, and that he will not concede the election, even after the final state vote tally is certified on Sunday.

The announcement followed bad news for Gore from the Florida Supreme Court, which conferred by conference call on the Thanksgiving holiday, and unanimously denied Gore’s request to order the Miami-Dade County to resume hand counting of presidential ballots it abandoned on Wednesday.

Also late Thursday, the lawyers filed papers in the U.S. Supreme Court, asking the nation’s highest court to deny a request by Republican George W. Bush to bar any use of hand-counted presidential election ballots in the state.

The lawyers called Bush’s request a “bald attempt to federalize a state court dispute” and interfering in the Florida election.The Democratic filing claimed that Bush’s court brief contained false and “partisan accusations regarding the manner in which the Florida recount is proceeding.”

Gore, who spent Thanksgiving Day at home in Washington, had asked the state’s highest court in an emergency appeal to restart ballot counting in the county, which they said was “being frustrated by a deliberate campaign of delay and intimidation of local officials.”

The Florida Supreme Court ruling upholds the decision by an appeals court, which late Wednesday denied the Democrats’ bid to force the resumption of hand recounts. Earlier Wednesday, the Miami-Dade canvassing board voted 3-0 to call off its manual recount, saying it could not meet the Sunday deadline imposed by the Florida Supreme Court.

In Tallahassee, Bush spokeswoman Mindy Tucker insists Gore had been trying to extend the deadline so he could get enough votes to change the election result. Tucker calls the Gore’s tactics “a little questionable.”

Tucker said the Bush camp still opposes including results from any hand recounts, and that is why the Bush legal team is asking the U.S. Supreme Court to intervene.

Bush spent the holiday with friends in Texas, while his running mate, Dick Cheney, enjoyed Thanksgiving dinner with his family at a hospital in Washington, where is recovering from a mild heart attack.

Can Gore Still Win?

A senior Democrat said that the party was confident Gore could still win the White House despite the recent court ruling.

Ron Klain, a member of the Democratic National Committee, told reporters in a telephone conference call that the Gore campaign believed it could win enough extra votes in two other counties — Broward and Palm Beach — to overtake Republican George W. Bush’s 930-vote lead in the state.

“I believe that if we have a full and fair, accurate count in Broward and Palm Beach counties, those two counties will be enough to put us over the top,” Klain said.

The Gore camp appealed the appeals court’s decision Thursday to the Florida Supreme Court, which ruled earlier this week that the state must recognize the results of manual recounts in three heavily Democratic counties in its final, certified tally and set a deadline of 5 p.m. Sunday for the new tallies.

“We believe the Supreme Court didn’t want its deadline used as an excuse not to count the vote,” Gore spokesman Doug Hattaway said prior to Thursday afternoon’s Florida Supreme Court ruling.

The Bush camp Thursday afternoon filed a “motion to intervene” in the Gore lawsuit.

Bush leads by 930 votes in the latest official statewide tally. An unofficial ABCNEWS tally through Wednesday night shows Gore has a net gain of 123 votes, putting the difference at 807 votes. Both campaigns assume the recount will heavily favor Gore.

Bush Goes to U.S. Supreme Court

For their part, Republicans pressed on with their opposition to any hand counting.

Bush campaign attorneys filed an appeal with the U.S. Supreme Court, asking it to overturn the Florida high court’s ruling. In a pair of petitions, the Bush campaign argues the state Supreme Court overstepped its authority and that permitting recounts to go forward in selective counties violates Florida voters’ constitutional right to due process by changing the way their votes are counted after they were cast.

The appeal marks the first time the nation’s highest court has become embroiled in the raging legal battle between Bush and Gore in one of the closest and most contested presidential elections in U.S. history.

Urging the court to consider the dispute quickly, with oral arguments on Dec. 5, the lawyers for Bush argued, “This is a case of the utmost national importance … The outcome of the election for the presidency of the United States may hang in the balance.”

There’s no guarantee the court will accept the case, but if it does, the justices will face an array of unprecedented questions critical to the outcome of the presidential election.

Bush’s first obstacle is getting the court to hear arguments in the case. Four of the nine Supreme Court justices must agree to grant oral arguments. At issue is whether the justices will identify a pertinent question in the appeals pertaining to federal law or the Constitution.

Also on Wednesday, Bush filed suit in a Florida court asking 13 counties with heavy military populations to count overseas ballots. Hundreds of ballots, many from military outposts, were rejected last week when Democratic lawyers urged county boards to scrutinize them. Both sides believe Bush lost more votes than Gore in the rejected ballots.

asmPolitics-483

 https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/why-likening-the-capitol-to-a-war-zone-could-further-damage-americas-reputation

Why likening the Capitol to a war zone could further damage America’s reputation

 

Since a pro-Trump mob attacked the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, lawmakers and members of the media have frequently drawn comparisons between what occurred in Washington and the violence that Americans are more accustomed to seeing unfold in war zones abroad.

In more recent days, as thousands of National Guard troops have mobilized in the nation’s capital in preparation for President-elect Joe Biden’s inauguration, some have likened Washington to “the Green Zone” — the heavily fortified area of Baghdad that was secured following the U.S. invasion of the country.

But those comparisons are insensitive and devoid of the context that led to the invasions of countries like Iraq by American forces, and the images of Washington with a heavy military presence could undermine U.S. foreign policy efforts going forward, experts warn.

READ MORE: After four years of ‘America First,’ what will U.S. foreign policy look like under Biden?

“I think a lot of people have heard over the years many diplomats and politicians and analysts saying that the Middle East is not ready for democracy,” said Omar Al-Nidawi, an Iraq analyst and program manager at the Enabling Peace in Iraq Center. “And they see what happens in the Capitol on January 6, they say, ‘well, you know, it looks like the incompatibilities are not unique to a certain part of the world or to a certain culture — they’re universal,’” Al-Nidawi said. “So I think it’s a bit of a call for reflection and humility in that respect.”

For Al-Nidawi, comparing the situation in Washington to Iraq diminishes the suffering of the Iraqi people. He points out that sectarian violence in Iraq claimed 3,000 lives a month at the height of the post-invasion violence. “There are generations of young people in Baghdad who grew up not knowing what their city looks like because of the thousands upon thousands of 12 and 16-foot concrete barriers that were erected … whether to protect vital government areas or military bases or to prevent sectarian death squads from entering certain neighborhoods,” he said.

Abbas Kadhim, director of the Iraq initiative at the Atlantic Council, agrees. If there is one parallel between Baghdad and Washington, it’s that both of them “established a little Green Zone to protect American officials,” Kadhim said. “The Green Zone wasn’t to protect the Iraqis. Same thing here — there is no protection for anybody who lives on the East side of Washington, right?”

For some around the world, the way Americans responded to the insurrection by pro-Trump mobs felt like a double standard. Former President George W. Bush released a statement after the attack saying “This is how election results are disputed in a banana republic — not our democratic republic.”

That sentiment shows a complete lack of understanding of how the situation in the U.S. compares to coup d’etats in Latin America, to name one example, said Lucia Dammert, a professor at the University of Santiago of Chile and fellow at the Woodrow Wilson Center. Dammert, appearing on PBS NewsHour Weekend, said that when unrest led to coups in Latin American countries in the past, “the American embassy was involved in some of those situations.”

Kadhim echoed Dammert’s point. “We really need to be more thoughtful when we talk about these things. What made Baghdad a city that became used as a reference to violence and lawlessness was [Americans’] doing. We screwed up,” he said.

Randa Slim, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute, agrees that drawing comparisons between the destruction wrought by wars to the Capitol insurrection is irresponsible, but she does recognize some worrying parallels, including the danger of foreign interference to shape the political landscape.

“Russian interference in the 2016 election was a factor,” Slim said, noting that while Russia’s efforts to get Trump elected were not violent in nature, their deliberate spreading of misinformation to sow discord online did amount to a type of “cyber warfare” that continued through the 2020 election. “When foreign interference can affect the psychology of a nation, it is a type of warfare that is more difficult to combat than conventional weapons,” she said.

WATCH: Insurrection at Capitol draws condemnation across the globe

The possibility that foreign influence in spreading the misinformation that may have convinced Americans to fight against their own government reminds Al Nidawi of how Iran and other Arab countries intervened in Iraq, fearing how the U.S. was shaping that nation’s political systems. Al Nidawi says foreign interference in U.S. politics is contributing to a “gap in our understanding of reality as a society.”

Americans have always felt secure in their military power, Slim said, but “I think Trump showed that America has become similar to other countries, and that foreign elements can impact our domestic dynamics in a dramatic way.”

The most serious damage from the events of Jan. 6 may have been to the U.S. image as a stable democracy. “I belong to many WhatsApp groups with people from the region,” Slim said. “You have people who basically said this shows how fragile American democracy is. They say, this democracy that America keeps talking about, and in the past tried to export, is not as people think it is.”

Slim says that skeptics of U.S. foreign policy may point to the current instability in Washington and beyond as evidence of internal division throughout the country, as well as of just how fragile “the world’s greatest democracy” is.

Yet she points out that some people she speaks with overseas recognize that many U.S. institutions managed to survive the last few years of disruption. She says that unlike in Russia, where a local official could get “thrown out from the balcony” for disobeying an order from President Vladimir Putin, Georgia election officials were able to uphold the law even after a threatening phone call from Trump.

Still, the images of angry Americans storming the U.S. Capitol won’t fade anytime soon. Kadhim imagines the impact on Secretary of State nominee Tony Blinken, who will “go to countries around the world and lecture them about democracy and about the rule of law … after [Americans] have trashed their elections willingly.”

In June, Kadhim noted, Iran will have a presidential election. “Do you think with a straight face we can go on and tell them what to do with their election?”